When Fear Spread Across the United Arab Emirates

Introduction

These cases show different forms of collective belief. The student outbreak is a recognised example of mass psychogenic illness, in which genuine physical symptoms spread without a toxic or infectious cause. Sorcery cases more often involve fraud, interpersonal conflict or the interpretation of ambiguous objects through religious belief. The Blue Whale alarm was a modern moral panic: a plausible danger to children became attached to claims that were difficult to verify. Together, they show how fear in the UAE travels through close-knit institutions, migrant households, news reports and private messaging, while authorities usually respond through medicine, policing, customs controls and strict regulation of rumours.[nih.gov]pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.govAuthors Y Amin 1, E Hamdi…

The “toxic fire” that was not toxic

The strongest documented UAE case of mass psychogenic illness occurred in 1994 among first-year female university students living in a dormitory. Twenty-three students developed breathing difficulties after an odour was interpreted as evidence of a “toxic fire”. Medical investigation found that the smell came from harmless incense rather than a dangerous chemical. The incident was later described in the medical literature as “mass hysteria in an Arab culture”, using the terminology common at the time. Today, “mass psychogenic illness” or “mass sociogenic illness” is generally more precise and less dismissive.[nih.gov]pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.govAuthors Y Amin 1, E Hamdi…

The symptoms were not imaginary. People experiencing mass psychogenic illness may suffer breathlessness, dizziness, fainting, nausea, pain or weakness. The psychogenic description concerns how the symptoms arise and spread, not whether those affected are consciously pretending. Episodes commonly occur in schools, dormitories, factories and other settings where people are physically close, observe one another and share the same explanation for an apparent threat.[nih.gov]pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.govMass Psychogenic Illness in Haraza Elementary School, Erop…by KF Ajemu · 2020 · Cited by 7 — Common symptoms of mass psychogenic il…

In the UAE outbreak, the decisive ingredient was not simply the incense but its interpretation. An unfamiliar or alarming smell can become a convincing sign of poisoning when one person becomes distressed and others rapidly scan themselves for the same symptoms. Visible medical attention, hurried evacuations and discussion of a possible toxin can unintentionally confirm that something dangerous is present. Psychiatrist and sociologist Robert Bartholomew later used the UAE case to illustrate a central rule of such outbreaks: the suspected agent must seem credible to the group experiencing it.[Cambridge University Press & Assessment]cambridge.orgCambridge University Press & AssessmentProtean nature of mass sociogenic illnessby RE Bartholomew · 2002 · Cited by 321 — a female dormit…

The dormitory setting also mattered. The students belonged to a defined peer group, were living away from familiar surroundings and could immediately observe one another’s reactions. Researchers studying comparable outbreaks have found that adolescence, institutional stress, close social contact and uncertainty about environmental hazards can all make symptoms more likely to propagate. None of those factors alone proves why a particular person became ill, but together they offer a stronger explanation than either poisoning or deliberate performance.[nih.gov]pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.govMass Psychogenic Illness: Demography and Symptom Profile…by BK Tarafder · 2016 · Cited by 20 — This study was aimed at investigatin…

This case remains important because it is unusually well documented. Many stories described informally as “mass hysteria” are based on rumour or retrospective labelling. The 1994 outbreak entered peer-reviewed medical literature and was later discussed in a major psychiatric review. It therefore provides firm evidence that a small, localised episode of contagious illness occurred in the UAE, while offering no support for broader claims about national character, women’s irrationality or Arab culture as a whole.[PubMed]pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.govAuthors Y Amin 1, E Hamdi…

Sorcery fears without a mass witch hunt

Belief in harmful magic has repeatedly appeared in UAE police reports, court proceedings and newspaper features. Yet the available record does not show a popular witch hunt in which crowds or local tribunals systematically persecuted a large class of suspected witches. Most documented cases are individual disputes involving alleged spells, unusual objects, paid healers, domestic workers or people claiming supernatural powers in order to obtain money.[The National]thenationalnews.comThe National Magic casting its malign spell | The NationalThe National Magic casting its malign spell | The National

A lengthy report published by The National in 2012 described residents who attributed relationship problems, illness or misfortune to magic, while judges and religious advisers stressed that many supposed cases were better understood as anxiety or fraud. One former judge said that offenders commonly claimed occult powers and then exploited clients financially. Police cases also included schemes in which suspects promised to multiply banknotes using “magic powder”; laboratory analysis in one such case found only flour and washing powder.[The National]thenationalnews.comThe National Magic casting its malign spell | The NationalThe National Magic casting its malign spell | The National

The fraud interpretation does not mean that complainants were merely foolish. People tend to seek extraordinary explanations when ordinary remedies have failed, particularly during illness, marital conflict, financial loss or prolonged uncertainty. A practitioner who offers a named cause, a ritual and a promise of control can be persuasive because the service answers an emotional need as well as a practical one. The resulting harm may include lost money, delayed medical care, family suspicion or accusations against a socially vulnerable person.[Gulf News]gulfnews.comabu dhabi police clamp down on witchcraft 1.1187179abu dhabi police clamp down on witchcraft 1.1187179

Domestic workers and the danger of accusation

Some of the most troubling UAE cases have arisen inside private homes, where large inequalities of wealth, citizenship and legal power separate employers from migrant domestic workers. Objects such as hair, powder, written prayers, blood or personal photographs may be treated as proof of sorcery even when their purpose is disputed.

In a 2014 Abu Dhabi case, an Ethiopian domestic worker was accused after police found strands of hair, white powder and a small book in her belongings. Her employer associated other household events—and even a dream—with black magic. The worker said the objects were connected to Christian prayer. She was initially acquitted, although prosecutors appealed. The case illustrates why the category of “sorcery evidence” can be unstable: an object understood by one person as devotional or personal may be interpreted by another as a weapon.[The National]thenationalnews.comOpen source on thenationalnews.com.

Other reports have involved domestic workers allegedly putting bodily substances or sharp objects into food. Such conduct, when proved, can constitute contamination, assault or intimidation regardless of any claimed magical purpose. But the supernatural framing may obscure the underlying relationship. A UAE judge discussing an earlier case observed that abusive treatment of workers could contribute to desperate or retaliatory behaviour. That does not excuse harmful acts; it does show why a simple story of wicked sorcery may conceal labour conflict, coercion and fear inside the household.[The National]thenationalnews.comThe National Magic casting its malign spell | The NationalThe National Magic casting its malign spell | The National

For historians of panic, the distinction is essential. A genuine discovery of contaminated food is not mass hysteria. A fraudulent healer is not necessarily the leader of a religious movement. A disputed prayer book is not proof of occult harm. The panic emerges when uncertain evidence is made to carry much larger assumptions about hidden supernatural power, dangerous outsiders or an entire class of workers.

Customs seizures and the public language of black magic

UAE customs authorities have regularly confiscated materials officially associated with witchcraft or sorcery. In 2017, Dubai Customs reported stopping 13 attempts during the first ten months of the year, down from 44 in 2016. Seized objects included written spells, animal skins, knives, fish bones and containers of blood. Officials described the items as a threat because they could manipulate vulnerable people into believing in supernatural claims.[The National]thenationalnews.comOpen source on thenationalnews.com.

Later reporting noted that 155 seizures of supposed talismans and “black magic items” had been recorded at Dubai’s main airport in 2015. A 2022 interception reportedly included needles, knives, animal blood and other liquids. These figures demonstrate enforcement activity and an international trade in ritual or purportedly magical material. They do not establish that the objects possessed supernatural effects, nor do they reveal how many belonged to fraudsters, private religious practitioners, traditional healers or travellers carrying culturally meaningful items.[The National]thenationalnews.comThe National Man caught attempting to smuggle 'black magic' items into DubaiThe National Man caught attempting to smuggle 'black magic' items into Dubai

The language used by authorities is therefore doing two jobs at once. It expresses a religious and legal rejection of sorcery while also presenting the state as a protector against deception. In practice, the most readily demonstrable harms are often ordinary ones: fraud, threatening behaviour, poisoning, animal abuse, possession of prohibited materials or the exploitation of distressed clients.

That approach differs from the classic European witch panic. Early modern witch trials often treated an alleged supernatural pact itself as a grave offence and used confession, reputation or spectral claims as evidence. UAE reports more commonly describe police seizures, immigration action, fraud prosecutions and disputes over whether physical objects demonstrate criminal intent. The comparison should not be pushed too far, but it helps explain why “witchcraft cases” in the Emirates have not developed into a documented mass judicial purge.

The Blue Whale scare

In 2017, warnings circulated among UAE parents about the “Blue Whale Challenge”, supposedly an online game in which anonymous controllers ordered teenagers to complete escalating tasks ending in suicide. The story had already travelled internationally through news sites and social media. In the UAE, WhatsApp messages brought the threat directly into family and school networks, giving the alarm the persuasive force of a warning passed on by another parent.[Khaleej Times]khaleejtimes.comOpen source on khaleejtimes.com.

Dubai Police stated in May 2017 that there had been no reports of UAE suicides linked to the game and no confirmed reports of young people playing it. A Khaleej Times investigation was unable to verify the organised game or contact supposed controllers. The newspaper concluded that the evidence pointed towards an urban myth, while still arguing that the alarm exposed a real need for conversations about online safety.[Khaleej Times]khaleejtimes.comOpen source on khaleejtimes.com.

This mixture of doubtful claim and genuine concern is typical of a moral panic. The underlying issue—vulnerable adolescents encountering self-harm material online—was real. What remained unproven was the neat, frightening narrative of a single secret network systematically commanding children to die. Later academic research into “online suicide games” found little evidence that Blue Whale and similar phenomena existed in the organised form portrayed by many reports. Researchers also warned that sensational coverage and repeated official alerts could spread the story, provide harmful ideas and make the alleged game appear more established than it was.[arXiv]arxiv.orgarXiv Online Suicide Games: A Form of Digital Self-harm or A Myth?arXiv Online Suicide Games: A Form of Digital Self-harm or A Myth?

The UAE story became more complicated in 2018, when two teenage deaths in Dubai were publicly linked by unnamed or community sources to Blue Whale. Contemporary reporting made clear that police had not confirmed that explanation. This distinction matters: two real deaths and an already familiar internet legend can easily become fused into a single causal story before investigators establish what happened.[Al Arabiya English]english.alarabiya.netTwo Dubai teenagers latest victims to Blue Whale game alarm in the regionTwo Dubai teenagers latest victims to Blue Whale game alarm in the region

Calling the episode a moral panic does not mean dismissing suicide risk. Responsible coverage separates three questions: whether a particular young person was exposed to self-harm content, whether online interaction contributed to a death, and whether a centrally organised “game” existed as described. Treating those questions as interchangeable can produce fear without improving prevention.

The most useful response is neither ridicule nor lurid repetition. It is careful reporting, support for distressed children, direct discussion of self-harm, and attention to the many forms of online coercion that do not need a legendary game to be dangerous.

Rumour control as a state response

The UAE’s response to social scares increasingly relies on controlling how information circulates. Federal Decree-Law No. 34 of 2021 on Countering Rumours and Cybercrimes came into effect on 2 January 2022 and remains active. The law covers a wide range of online conduct, including the creation or circulation of false and misleading material. The government presents this framework as protection against rumours, fraud, panic and threats to public order.[UAE Legislation]uaelegislation.gov.aeOpen source on uaelegislation.gov.ae.

This policy reflects a genuine problem. In a highly connected society, an unverified warning about poison, abduction, disease, war or a dangerous online challenge can move through private groups faster than an official correction. Messages often gain credibility because they appear to come from friends, relatives, school communities or professional networks rather than unknown publishers.

Yet strict anti-rumour laws also raise a separate question: who decides when uncertainty, error or criticism becomes punishable misinformation? Freedom-of-expression organisations have argued that parts of the UAE legislation are broad enough to restrict legitimate speech and reporting. The state’s model therefore seeks to prevent panic through centralised authority, but may also discourage people from discussing uncertain events or sharing information that conflicts with official accounts.[ARTICLE 19]article19.orgunited arab emirates new cybercrime and anti rumour law violates rightsunited arab emirates new cybercrime and anti rumour law violates rights

For the history of collective fear, this tension is significant. Public authorities can calm a scare by supplying reliable information quickly, as Dubai Police attempted during the early Blue Whale alarm. They can also amplify a frightening claim merely by issuing repeated warnings that describe it in detail. Punishment may suppress circulation, but it does not necessarily address why a rumour seemed believable or why people distrusted the available information.

The best corrections explain rather than simply deny. In a suspected poisoning, that means publishing environmental and medical findings. In an internet scare, it means distinguishing confirmed incidents from copied stories. In an alleged sorcery case, it means prosecuting provable fraud or harm without presenting contested supernatural interpretations as established fact.

What the UAE cases reveal

The UAE’s record is not a catalogue of spectacular cult disasters. Its value lies in showing how collective fear operates in ordinary modern settings.

The 1994 dormitory outbreak demonstrates that expectation and social observation can produce genuine bodily distress after a harmless sensory trigger. Sorcery cases reveal how religious belief, fraud, labour inequality and family conflict can become entangled. The Blue Whale scare shows an older pattern—the hidden corrupter threatening children—adapted to smartphones and private messaging. Anti-rumour legislation shows a state attempting to manage such fears through authoritative information and criminal law.[nih.gov]pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.govAuthors Y Amin 1, E Hamdi…

These episodes should not be collapsed into one explanation. Mass psychogenic illness is not the same as superstition. Belief in magic is not automatically evidence of a coercive “cult”. A fraudulent occult practitioner may have real victims without possessing supernatural powers. An online safety warning can refer to a genuine category of danger while exaggerating or inventing the particular story used to represent it.

The recurring mechanism is uncertainty given a compelling form. A smell becomes poison; an unfamiliar object becomes a spell; an unexplained tragedy becomes the work of a secret online controller. Each story supplies an agent, a cause and a course of action. That is why such beliefs spread: they turn disturbing ambiguity into something people feel they can recognise and confront.

The lasting lesson is not that Emirati society is unusually prone to panic. Comparable mechanisms appear across countries and historical periods. What gives the UAE cases their distinctive shape is the combination of close institutional communities, rapid migration, sharply unequal domestic relationships, religious interpretations of occult harm, intensive smartphone use and a strong state preference for policing rumours. The result is a history of mostly contained scares whose importance lies less in their scale than in what they reveal about belief, vulnerability and authority.

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Endnotes

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